Wednesday, October 14, 2015
Smashing the Abbas icon of Palestinian non – violence
By
Nicola Nasser*
Indisputably,
the 80 – year old President Mahmoud Abbas has established himself internally
and worldwide as the icon of Palestinian non – violence. His Israeli peace
partners leave none in doubt that they are determined to smash this icon, which
would leave them only with opposite alternatives the best of which is a massive
peaceful intifada (uprising) against the Israeli occupation.
It
is true that Abbas cannot yet be called the Ghandi of Palestine. He has yet to
follow in the footsteps of the founder of modern India and deliver similar
national results by leading a massive popular revolution for liberation and
independence, but his strictly adhered to non – violence platform continues to
be the prerequisite for any peaceful settlement of the Arab – Israeli conflict
in and over Palestine.
For
decades, before and after the Israeli occupation of the Palestinian territories
was completed in 1967, Abbas has stuck to his belief in negotiations as the
only way to settle the more than a century old conflict. Building on Abbas'
legacy, his chief negotiator, Saeb Erakat, wrote his book, "Life Is
Negotiations."
Abbas
has all along rejected "armed struggle" and all forms of violence. He
even did his best to avoid popular uprisings lest they glide into violence. Instead
he has unequivocally opted to
act as a man of state committed to international law and United Nations
legitimacy.
Ever
since he was elected as president he conducted Palestinian politics accordingly
to make his people an integral part of the international community. His respect
to the signed accords with Israel raised backlash among his own people when he
described, for example, the security coordination agreement with the Hebrew state
as "sacred."
Demonising
Abbas
Nonetheless,
the Israelis are still persisting
on an unabated campaign to demonise Abbas, tarnish his image, undermine
his peace credentials and deprive him of any gains for his people.
A Haaretz
editorial on Oct. 4 said that the Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu was
"fanning the flames of incitement against" Abbas. On Oct. 10, The
Times of Israel quoted the Israeli Defence Minister Moshe Ya’alon as saying that "We have come a long way to convince
Israeli society that he’s (i.e. Abbas) no partner."
Evidently,
this is the only way for the Israelis to absolve themselves from their signed
peace commitments. Ya’alon's deputy, Eli Ben –
Dahan, was quoted on the same day as saying that "Palestinians have
to understand they won’t have a state and Israel will rule over them."
The Israeli minister of education Naftali
Bennett, speaking to the army radio on Oct. 11, raised the anti – Abbas ante to
an adventurous and irresponsible end game when he said that Abbas' "absence
is better."
Bennett left it to the former Israeli ambassador to the United States,
Michael Oren, to explain the raison d'être for his call for the "absence" of Abbas. In a Ynetnews
article on Oct. 3, Oren concluded absurdly that "Abbas poses a danger
which may be revealed as strategically more serious than the tactical dangers
posed by (the Islamic Resistance Movement) Hamas."
Former
foreign minister Avigdor Lieberman
was more forthright when he called on Oct. 12 for Abbas' Palestinian
Authority (PA) in the West Bank to be "overthrown."
According
to William Booth, writing in The Washington Post on Oct. 10, "Israeli (Cabinet) ministers have branded Abbas 'a
terrorist in a suit' and 'inciter in chief'. They mock him as weak,"
ignoring that their smearing campaign accompanied by their government's determination
to undermine his peace – making efforts is making him weaker internally and
render the "two – state solution" a non – starter among his people.
A
poll released by the Palestinian Center for Policy and Survey Research on Oct.
6 found that 65% of the public want Abbas to resign and if new presidential
elections were held the deputy chief of the Islamic Resistance Movement
"Hamas," Ismail Haniyeh, would win 49 percent of the votes against 44
percent for Abbas. The "main findings" indicated a "decline in
the level of support for the two – state solution" as 51 percent
"opposed" this solution. What is more important in this context was
that "57% support a return to an armed
intifada."
International
Community Indifference
The
Israeli anti – Abbas campaign could only be interpreted as a premeditated
endeavour to evade a mounting international pressure for saving the so – called
"two – state solution."
The
cancelation of a visit scheduled for last week by senior envoys of the
international Middle East Quartet upon Netanyahu's request was the latest
example of the world community's helplessness and indifference vis – a – vis Israel's
sense of impunity against accountability, which empowers the Israeli occupying
power to escalate its crackdown on Palestinians under its military occupation
since 1967.
In
particular, U.S. President Barak Obama Administration's "reversals"
and "empty promises," in the words of Peter Berkowitz on Oct. 13, to
Abbas as well as the inaction of the European Union and the other two Russian
and UN members of the Quartet are encouraging Israel in its anti – Abbas campaign,
thus discrediting the Palestinian icon of non - violence further in the eyes of
his own people as incapable of delivery to walk away from his non – violent
path.
On
Oct. 12 the AFP reported that the "frustrated' Palestinians
"have defied" both Abbas and the "Israeli security
crackdown" to launch what many observers are calling the beginnings of a
"third intifada."
To
his credit, Abbas proved true to his non – violence commitment. Israeli daily Haaretz
on Oct. 11 quoted a senior official of the Israeli Shabak intelligence agency
as telling a cabinet meeting on the same day "that not only does Abbas not
support 'terrorist attacks' but also tells PA security services to 'undermine'
anti-Israel protests as much as possible."
Abbas
was on record recently to tell "our Israeli neighbours that we do not want
a security or military escalation. My message to our people, security agencies
and leaders is that the situation must calm down." He warned against "an intifada which we don't want." On Oct.
6, he publicly told a meeting of the Executive Committee of the Palestine
Liberation Organisation (PLO) that "we want to reach a political solution
by peaceful means and not at all by any other means."
The practical translation of his on record "principles"
was self evident on the ground during the past two weeks of Palestinian
rebellion against the escalating violence of the illegal Israeli settlers of
the occupied Palestinian territories and the Israeli Occupation Forces (IOF),
especially in eastern Jerusalem, which so far claimed the lives of more than 25
Palestinians and at least four Israelis in October 2015.
Within the PA security mandate, violence was practiced
by the IOF only and only Palestinians were killed. Mutual violence was confined
to Jerusalem, the area designated "C" by the Oslo accords in the West
Bank and Israel proper, where security is an exclusive Israeli responsibility. There
Abbas has no mandate. Most victims of both sides fell there and there only
Israel should be held responsible and accountable.
One could not but wonder whether eastern Jerusalem and area
"C" of the West Bank would have seen no violence had Abbas' security
mandate been extended to include both areas. U.S. Secretary of State, John
Kerry, who announced on Tuesday plans to visit "soon" to calm down
the violence, should consider this seriously.
Ending the Israeli occupation is the only way to move the situation
"away from this precipice," lest, in Kerry's words, the two-state
solution, "could conceivably be stolen from everybody" if violence
were to spiral out of control.
In 1974 late Palestinian leader Yasser Arafat appealed to the UN General
Assembly to "not let the olive branch fall from my
hand," saying that he was holding a "freedom fighter's gun" in
his other hand. Abbas embraced the "olive branch" with both hands and
dropped the "gun" forever.
In May this year, Pope Francis told Abbas during a visit to the Vatican:
"I thought about you: May you be an angel of peace." The
Jewish Virtual Library's biography of the Palestinian President vindicates the
Pope's vision. It hailed him as "considered one of the leading Palestinian
figures devoted to the search for a peaceful solution to the Palestinian –
Israeli conflict... It was Abbas who signed the 1993 peace accord with Israel.
End of Era
Writing in Al – Ahram Weekly on Oct. 12, the President
of Arab American Institute, James Zogby, was one only of several observers who
announced recently the "burial" of the Oslo accords. In
"fact" Oslo "was on life support" and "has been dying
for years" Zogby said, concluding: "What happened this week was the
final burial rite."
The Oslo accords were the crown of Abbas' life – long
endeavour. The "burial" of Oslo would inevitably be the end Abbas'
era.
Smashing the Abbas icon of Palestinian non
– violence would herald an end to his era, dooming for a long time to come any
prospect for a negotiated peaceful solution. His "absence," according
to Gershon Baskin, the Co-Chairman of
Israel/Palestine Center for research and Information (IPCRI), will be
"definitely the end of an era" and "will be a great loss for
Israel and for those who seek true peace."
Israelis by their ongoing campaign of defamation of Abbas
would be missing an irreversible historic opportunity for making peace.
However, Abbas will go down in Palestinian chronicles as a
national symbol of non – violence, who raced against time to make what has so
far proved to be an elusive peace. Despite his failure, thanks to Israeli
unrealistic dreams of "Greater Israel," he will be the pride of his
people in future in spite of the current widespread national opposition to his
life – long commitment.
*
Nicola Nasser is a veteran Arab journalist based in Birzeit, West Bank of the
Israeli-occupied Palestinian territories (nassernicola@ymail.com).
Monday, September 28, 2015
Time for UN to shift mission in Yemen
By Nicola Nasser*
Peace
in Yemen will continue to be
elusive unless the United Nations shifts its mission from sponsoring an
inter-Yemeni dialogue to mediating ceasefire negotiations between the actual
warring parties, namely Saudi
Arabia & allies and the de facto
representatives of Yemenis who are fighting to defend their country’s
territorial integrity and independent free will, i.e. the Huthi - Saleh &
allies.
Convening
its 70th session while celebrating its 70th anniversary
this year, the United Nations is unlikely to reconsider its stand on Yemen, but
it must do, at least to provide a face – saving exit strategy for Saudi Arabia if
not to stop a snowballing severe humanitarian crisis in the country.
The United
Nations Mauritanian special envoy to Yemen Ismail Ould Cheikh Ahmed will sooner
than later face the fate of his predecessor Jamal
Benomar, who resigned his mission last March acknowledging its failure.
The
Saudi insistence on dictating a fait accompli on Yemen
is undermining the UN efforts to bring about a political solution, which was
made impossible by the Saudi – led war on Yemen .
The
legitimacy controversy
The UN sponsored Yemeni – Yemeni talks in the capital of the
Sultanate of Oman, Muscat ,
and elsewhere will continue to be deadlocked. They are a non-starter. The
Saudis have held their Yemeni allies captives of their dependence on Saudi
financial, political and military support without which they could not survive
internally.
The UN and Arab League recognition of them as the legitimate
representatives of Yemen
was counterproductive. They are viewed by most Yemenis more as Saudi puppets
than legitimate delegates of their people.
Abd Rabbuh Mansur Hadi, who is recognised by the UN and the
Saudi – led coalition as the legitimate president of Yemen, arrived in Aden
last week aboard a Saudi military aircraft and his safety was secured during
his three – day stay there by military bodyguards from the United Arab
Emirates. The arrival of his prime minister Khaled
Bahah a week earlier was not different.
Conferring UN and Arab League legitimacy on them serves only
to turn both organisations into biased parties to the conflict if not partners
to it or at least accomplices and compromises their credentials as mediators.
The Huthis are portrayed by the Saudi – led propaganda as a
sectarian fanatic and violent intruders into the Yemeni society or as agents of
Iran who are waging a proxy
war in Yemen ,
but the Huthis are not aliens. Their ancestors ruled Yemen for some one thousand years.
They represent more than one third of the country’s population. Their role
could have been strengthened by Iranian support and weakened by their religious
speech, but nonetheless they are uncontroversial native integral component of Yemen ’s national
history and society.
Similarly, their ally in fighting off the Saudi – led war on
Yemen, ex – president Ali Abdullah Saleh, is part and parcel of Yemeni
political infrastructure. More than a three – decade ally of Saudi Arabia ,
when Saleh resisted a Saudi transition plan he hardly survived a bombing of his
Friday prayers. Despite his individual ruling style and a wide spread
corruption of his governance, he is credited with building a state
infrastructure, a national army, a tolerable pluralistic political life and a
relatively civil freedoms that were the envy of his Arab compatriots in the
north who are still living under the Middle Ages systems of government and,
more importantly, making the unity of Yemen a fact of life. When his representative
credentials are questioned by his former Saudi allies it is noteworthy to
remind them that his “al-Mutamar” party still controls the majority of the last
democratically elected Yemeni parliament.
The “external”
Iranian interference in Yemen and Iran’s sectarian support for “Shiite” Yemenis,
in addition to a self – proclaimed role in defence of a controversial legitimacy
of a Yemeni president, are the main raison d'être cited by Riyadh as the casus belli of the Saudi
ongoing six – month old war on Yemen.
However history
and realpolitik facts refute such Saudi claims and render them as merely
thinly – veiled justification for installing a puppet regime in Sanaa by the brutal
and inhumane force of an external invasion.
The current Saudi
war on Yemen could be a
“rite of passage” for the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC), particularly the
United Arab Emirates (UAE), but not the Saudi Arabia as claimed by Rami G. Khouri
(1).
Long history of
Saudi military intervention
Long before there
was an “Iran threat” or a
“Shiite threat,” the Saudi ruling family never hesitated to interfere in Yemen
militarily or otherwise whenever Yemenis showed signs of breaking away from
Saudi hegemony towards a free will to determine their lives independently.
In the 1930s the
Saudis engaged in a war on the Mutawakkilite Imamate of Yemen and succeeded in annexing the Yemeni
provinces of Asir, Jizan and Najran to their kingdom, thus creating a border
dispute that was not settled until 2000, but the current Saudi war on Yemen seems to reignite
it.
Then, they
occupied the Yemeni port of Hodeida on the Red Sea and
attacked the Yemeni capital Sanaa. Yemen at the time was a similar
conservative “kingdom” bound, like the Saudis, by treaties with the British
colonial power.
From
1962 to 1970 the Saudis interfered militarily on the side of the “Shiite”
Yemeni “royalists” whom they fought in the 1930s against republican
revolutionaries who sought to usher Yemen into the twentieth century
out of the Middle Ages. The Saudi military intervention led the Pan – Arab
leader of Egypt Gamal Abd al-Nasir to rush to the rescue of the
Yemeni republicans, thus regionalising a Yemeni internal affair into an
Egyptian – Saudi war among the “Sunnis.”
History it seems
is repeating itself nowadays, but the Saudis have so far failed to embroil Iran in Yemen
as they did with Egypt
then. Instead, the kingdom is itself plunging deeper into the Yemeni quicksand.
“In 1977, then,
Saudi Arabia conspired (together with Salih) to the assassination of modernist
President Ibrahim al-Hamdi, who was determined to loosen the stranglehold of
the kingdom over Yemeni politics,” Tobias Thiel
(2) of The London School of Economics and Political Science (LSE) wrote on last
April 2.
In the aftermath
of the emergence of the Islamic Republic of Iran into the regional scene, “the House of Saud expelled around 800,000
Yemeni guest workers to punish the newly united republic for its stance in the
1991 Gulf War (Kuwait war), plunging the country into an economic crisis” and
“the kingdom simultaneously supported both sides – Sunni Islamists and Marxist
separatists – in the 1994 war of secession,” Thiel added. Both those events had nothing to do with the
so –called “Iran
threat” or the “Shiite – Sunni” sectarian rivalry; both were inter – Arab and
inter Yemeni conflicts.
“Finally,” according to Thiel, “Riyadh has backed the Salih regime against the mass
protests in 2011 and has – as elsewhere – tried to stifle the democratic
opening.”
Launching the Saudi war on Yemen last March had regionalised
a Yemeni internal conflict, undercut short a Yemeni successful national
dialogue sponsored by the United Nations, undermined the territorial unity of the
country, which was then compromised only by the al-Qaeda in the Arabian
Peninsula (AQAP) that was isolated in the far south eastern part of Yemen, destroyed
the infrastructure of the Yemeni state, created a snowballing severe humanitarian
crisis and rendered the possibility of a Yemeni – Yemeni political solution a
mission made impossible by both the mutual bloodshed and the Saudi insistence
on shaping by brutal force the future ruling regime in Yemen on Saudi terms.
Historically, Sanaa and the northern rough mountainous
provinces failed all Arab and non-Arab invaders. The Ottoman
Empire at its zenith could not subjugate it. It is the bedrock of Yemen ’s independence
and self determination. There the hardcore of the Yemeni anti-Saudi invasion is
entrenched and there this invasion will most likely meet it defeat.
The so – called “liberation” of Aden
by Saudi and UAE military intervention could serve only as a recipe for a
perpetuated civil war and regional capital of a divided Yemen . Hadi
is unlikely to deliver in Aden
what he failed to achieve when he was in Sana’a.
On last March 22, the former UN
special envoy Jamal Benomar, addressing the UN Security Council
via video conference, warned
that, “the situation is on a rapid downward
spiral” that is “leading the country
away from political settlement and to the edge of civil war”. The status
quo is “inviting a protracted conflict in the
vein of an Iraq-Libya-Syria combined scenario," he told an emergency UNSC
session. Benomar resigned his UN mission acknowledging its failure. His
successor is more likely to come to the same conclusion sooner than later.
The
presence now of reportedly between 5 – 10 thousand ground GCC troops in Yemen
is proof that the aerial onslaught had failed and that the so-called
pro-government forces are merely a Yemeni make – believe address for the thinly
– veiled Saudi – led external invasion.
The
introduction of GCC ground troops into Yemen is more a show of the failure
of the so – called Yemeni pro – legitimacy and pro – Saudi forces than a
display of GCC military prowess.
Quoted
by the Qatari News Agency (QNA) on September 18, the Saudi
Foreign Minister Adel al-Jubeir, tacitly acknowledging his country’s failure in
Yemen ,
said that he “personally … suggested Israeli help as our only hope to end the
status quo … His Highness King Salman put this proposal forward for further
consideration."
Ruling out any
open Israeli contribution to the US-led war on Iraqi forces in Kuwait in 1991,
the US invasion of Iraq in 2003 and the US “leading from behind” in the ongoing
war on Syria is an instructive strong reminder that any Israeli role in the
Saudi – led war on Yemen will most likely be ruled out as well, at least in
public, because it would be definitely counterproductive.
It is high time
that the UN moves to facilitate an exit strategy for Saudi
Arabia from Yemen .
* Nicola Nasser
is a veteran Arab journalist based in Birzeit, West Bank of the
Israeli-occupied Palestinian territories (nassernicola@ymail.com).
(1) http://america.aljazeera.com/,
September
16, 2015. Rami
G. Khouri is a senior public policy fellow at the Issam Fares Institute for
Public Policy and International Affairs at the American University of Beirut
and a senior fellow of the Harvard Kennedy School.
(2) Tobias Thiel is a PhD Candidate at the LSE’s Department of International
History. His dissertation is about contentious politics, collective memory and
violence in post-unification Yemen .
He has spent the past three years in Yemen conducting field research.
Tuesday, March 17, 2015
U.S. opens up to Hamas, Muslim Brotherhood, Syria, and Iran
By Nicola Nasser*
The appointment of Robert
Malley as White House Coordinator for the Middle East, North Africa and the
Gulf Region is not considered a sufficient indicator that there will be any
radical change in U.S.
strategy despite the campaign launched against the U.S.
by the Zionists due to its openness to Hamas, the Muslim Brotherhood, Syria and Iran .
On 6 March, President Barack
Obama's administration appointed Robert Malley, the former senior director of
the National Security Council who dealt with the Iraqi, Iranian, and Gulf
issues, and a member of the delegation negotiating the Iranian nuclear programme,
as the Special White House Coordinator for the Middle East, North
Africa and Gulf region. Malley is scheduled to assume his new
position on 6 April, succeeding Philip Gordon.
Edward Abington, former U.S. consul general in occupied Jerusalem , described the lawyer specialised
in "conflict resolution" as being an "American Jewish" and that
his appointment is a "positive development". He was also described by
U.S. national security adviser Susan Rice as "one of our country's most
respected experts on the Middle East, since February 2014 Rob has played a
critical role in forming our policy on Iran, Iraq, Syria and the Gulf."
However, the Zionist
Organisation of America (ZOA) opposed the appointment of Malley for several
reasons, stating that Malley is an "Israel-basher, advocate of U.S.
recognition of major, unreconstructed terrorist groups Hamas and Hezbollah, and
proponent of containment of Iran (i.e., not preventing them from attaining
nuclear weapons) and proponent of negotiating with Syrian President Bashar
Al-Assad (i.e. not changing his regime)."
He also believes that working
with the Muslim Brotherhood is "not a bad idea" and called Israel 's
settlements located in the Palestinian territories occupied in 1967
"colonies". He also called for abandoning the Road Map for Peace
approved by the international Quartet in 2003 and replacing it with a
comprehensive settlement plan to be imposed on the parties with the backing of
the international community, including Arab and Muslim states. He did so before
the Foreign Relations Committee in the U.S. Senate in 2004. He also continues
to urge the Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas, Fatah, Palestinian Authority
and Hamas “to unite".
Malley also called for
"involving" Hamas in the PLO's negotiations with the occupation,
explaining his statement by saying that the PLO must include Hamas because it
has become "antiquated, worn out, barely functioning, and is no longer
considered the Palestinian people's sole legitimate representative." He
also called for the resumption of negotiations between the Arabs and Israel "on
all levels on the basis of the Arab peace initiative."
The ZOA did not fail to mention
his father, Simon Malley who was born and worked in Egypt
as a journalist for Al-Goumhouria newspaper before moving with his family to France and
founding Afrique-Asie magazine. The ZOA said that Simon Malley was "a
virulently anti-Israel member of the Egyptian Communist Party, a close
confidante of Yasser Arafat, and an enthusiast for violent Third
World 'liberation' movements." As for his mother, Barbara
Malley, she worked with the United Nations delegation of the National Liberation
Front (NLF), the Algerian independence group.
Robert Malley was Barack
Obama's colleague at Harvard Law School
and a Middle East affairs adviser for his 2008
campaign. However, Obama was forced to cast him aside due to the Zionist
campaign against both of them after Britain 's the Times revealed that
Malley had been in contact with Hamas.
In his media interviews Malley
explained that the contacts were part of his work with the International Crisis
Group, saying: "My job with the International Crisis Group is to meet with
all sorts of savoury and unsavoury people and report on what they say. I've
never denied whom I meet with; that's what I do."
He added that he used to inform
the State Department about his meetings beforehand and briefs them afterward.
During the same year, London's Al-Hayat newspaper quoted deputy head of the
political bureau of Hamas, Ismail Haniyeh, and Hamas official Dr Ahmed Yousef as
saying: "We were in contact with a number of Obama's aides through the
internet, and later met with some of them in Gaza, but they advised us not to
come out with any statements, as they may have a negative effect on his
election campaign."
Before this, Malley, who was a
member of the U.S. negotiating team in the 2000 Arafat-Barak-Clinton summit at
Camp David, was the target of an Israeli-Zionist campaign because he held all
three leaders responsible for the failure of the summit, and not only the late
Palestinian leader, who was repeatedly accused by Bill Clinton, Ehud Barak and
their team of negotiators of causing the failure.
Morton A. Klein, president of
the Zionist Organisation of America, said: "How exactly does someone, who
is dropped as an adviser because he advocates recognition of, and meets with,
the genocidally-inclined terrorist organisation Hamas, now became a senior
adviser to the president, unless President Obama has all along agreed with much
of what Malley thinks and advocates?"
Due to the fact that the
appointment of Malley coincided with the crisis in relations between the U.S.
and Israel, caused by the recent speech made by Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin
Netanyahu before the U.S. Congress behind Obama's back and without his
approval, analysts have begun to talk about "changes in the U.S. role in
the Middle East" in the context of the Israeli media outlets and its
Zionist and Jewish arms abroad.
They have also predicted that
"there will be no doubt that the U.S. policy will be focused exclusively
on pressuring Israel over the course of the last 22 months of Obama's term,"
as written by Jonathan S. Tobin in America's Commentary magazine on 10 March.
During this time, Obama will be
"free of electoral pressure" so the Obama administration's treatment
of the Palestinian issue is about to take on a much more aggressive attitude
over the next two years. This will allow Obama to "invest the little
political credit he has left in 'bringing world peace'," as written by
Alex Fishman in the Israeli daily the Yedioth Ahronoth.
In Fishman's view, there are
now two courses of work on the White House's agenda. First, it can follow the
path of the "European Initiative" which proposes issuing a UN
Security Council resolution for a "lasting solution in the Middle
East", while the second path involves waiting for the results of the
Israeli elections this week, as it is a "renewal of the American peace
initiative, which will have behind it a very skilled, determined person, who
isn't very fond of the current government: The president's new man in the
Middle East," Robert Malley.
It is clear that these courses
of action, the appointment of Malley and his record will undoubtedly breathe
life into the PLO's negotiating team, especially since President Abbas
repeatedly says that going to the UN and international organisations, as well
as the latest PLO's Central Council recommendations, do not necessarily mean
that negotiations will be abandoned.
These negotiations can also be
considered new material used by the American camp in the Arab League to justify
its on-going pressure on the PLO to continue to rely on the United States .
The appointment of Malley
indicates one conclusion: that the U.S. is heading towards a new
initiative to resume negotiations between the PLO and the Israeli occupying
power without making any changes to its references. If the PLO interacts and
deals with the "European initiative" then it is likely to deal and
interact with any new U.S.
initiative, according to all indications in this regard.
In this case, the PLO's recent
diplomatic actions not related to the negotiations and the United States
has merely been "playing on borrowed time" while waiting for the results
of the Israeli elections.
However, these actions can
still be built upon in order to completely depart from the American vision for
the "resolution of the conflict" in the event that Netanyahu is
re-elected as prime minister.
On the other hand, Hamas should
not be fooled by Robert Malley's positions towards the movement, despite its
importance, as it is an attempt to contain the movement and drag it into
"negotiations" between the PLO and Israel based on the same references
rejected and opposed by Hamas thus far.
As for Malley's performance in Iran , Iraq ,
Syria
and the Gulf, over the past year, which was praised by Susan Rice, it has had
catastrophic consequences on the ground that speak for themselves. Malley's
openness to Hamas, the Muslim Brotherhood, Iran
and Syria is nothing more
than tactical dealings in order to serve the unchanged U.S. strategy
with forces that have proved their presence.
Appointing Robert Malley as White House Coordinator for
the Middle East, North Africa and the Gulf Region is not a sufficient indicator
of any radical change in the U.S.
strategy that is on the verge of tearing the Arab world apart, along with its
Islamic surroundings, unless it is deterred. This is true despite the Zionist
campaign opposing his openness towards Hamas, the Muslim Brotherhood, Syria and Iran .
* Nicola Nasser is a veteran Arab journalist based in Birzeit,
West Bank of the Israeli-occupied Palestinian territories (nassernicola@ymail.com). This article was
translated from Arabic and first published by the “Middle East Monitor”.
Friday, February 20, 2015
UN peace coordinator unwelcome by Palestinians
By Nicola Nasser*
The PLO (Palestine Liberation Organisation)
did not object to the appointment of new UN special coordinator for the
Middle East peace process Nikolay Mladenov, although he was described
by Tayseer Khaled, a member of the PLO’s Executive Committee, as “persona
non grata” — not trusted by the Palestinians and nor qualified for the job.
The 15-member UN Security Council unanimously
voted to appoint Bulgarian Mladenov, 42, to succeed Holland ’s Robert Serry. He would also be the
representative of the UN secretary general to the International Quartet
(the UN, US, EU and Russia ),
and personal representative of the UN chief to the PLO (the State
of Palestine) and the Palestinian Authority (PA).
Although protocol allows the PLO the right to
reject diplomatic representatives to the organisation, observers cannot
understand why it accepted Mladenov. There is no convincing answer except
a futile desire by the PLO to appease the UN and Secretary General Ban Ki-Moon,
at a time when PLO diplomatic efforts are focused on the UN and its
agencies.
Mladenov not only failed in a similar mission
as UN envoy to Iraq and
resigned, he is someone who describes himself — and is described by the
leaders of the Israeli occupation — as “a good friend of Israel ”. As
Bulgarian foreign minister, Mladenov suggested a “military
alliance” between Bulgaria
and Israel .
He has often spoken about his bias towards “Israel ’s right to exist” and its
right “to defend itself” against Palestinians resisting Israeli
occupation. He even admitted to being a Free Mason, served Jewish
billionaire George Soros, and publicly advocated the US ’s “constructive chaos” policies
in the Arab world. In fact, his Jewish origins may be the least
controversial aspect of him.
Meanwhile, the occupation state does not
hesitate in ignoring the UN, its resolutions and representatives,
disregarding and even assassinating them when necessary. Most recently, Israeli
Foreign Minister Avigdor Lieberman threatened to “expel” Mladenov’s predecessor
Serry as “persona non grata”. Shortly before that, William Schabas, the
head of the UN commission investigating the occupation’s recent war on the
Gaza Strip, resigned after Israel
refused to cooperate with him or allow him to enter the country.
After the UN tolerated the assassination of
its first envoy to Palestine , Swedish Count
Folke Bernadotte in 1948, at the hands of the Zionist Stern Gang led
by Yitzhak Shamir (who later became prime minister of the occupation
state), Israel
was emboldened to adopt a permanent policy of disregarding the UN without
deterrence so far.
In fact, over the past two years the
occupation state has carried out a proxy war against the UN. It has
facilitated logistics, intelligence, firepower and medical assistance to
allow the domination of militias fighting the Syrian regime on its side of
the disengagement zone between the liberated and occupied Arab Syrian
Golan. This compelled the UN Disengagement Observer Force (UNDOF) to withdraw
after its positions were attacked, dozens of its troops kidnapped and
their weapons and equipment seized. Until today, the UN has not dared to
rectify the situation, which resulted in the collapse of the UN-sponsored
ceasefire and rules of engagement between Syria
and Israel .
The Middle East
is teeming with international peace envoys. The UN has one, so does the US , the EU, Russia ,
China
and the Quartet. Their names change without anything on the ground in
occupied Palestine
changing. Except for expanding the occupation through settlements under
the “peace” umbrella these envoys provide, without any hope that the
international community they represent will be able to effect any real tangible
change for the present and future of the Palestinian people on the ground.
So what can Mladenov do that his predecessors,
the UN, the Quartet, the Arab League and others, couldn’t?
Khaled believes the real test, to remove
Palestinian doubts about Mladenov’s role and mission, will be his position on
the siege on Gaza
and reconstruction there. However, Mladenov’s track record does not indicate
there is cause for optimism. Nor does the track record of “UN special
coordinators” since the creation of the position in 1994 and the
subsequent expansion of its role, as well as the extensive history of choosing
UN and US envoys of Jewish origins or related in the first degree to
Jews, such as Henry Kissinger, Madeleine Albright, John Kerry, Dennis
Ross, Martin Indyk and Quartet representative Tony Blair.
On 6 February, the secretaries general of the
UN and Arab League issued a joint statement expressing “deep concern”
about conditions in Gaza .
They urged Arab and international donors to honour their financial pledges
made at the Cairo Conference last October “as soon as possible”, in order
to rebuild the Gaza Strip and end the siege there. A few days ago, James
Rowley, UN coordinator for humanitarian affairs in the Palestinian
territories occupied since 1967, sent out an “urgent call” for these
commitments to be fulfilled and an “immediate” lift of the siege on Gaza,
because he is “very concerned another conflict will break out” if not.
The Palestinian Foreign Ministry described the
statement by the Quartet on 8 February after it met in Munich , Germany ,
as “short of expectations” because it ignored “all the old-new and evolving
truths” of the occupation state.
The Quartet also said it is “deeply concerned”
about the “difficult conditions in Gaza
where reconstruction needs to be quicker” and urged donors to “pay
their financial pledges as soon as possible”. However, it linked this to
encouraging both sides to “restart negotiations as soon as possible”.
Restarting talks “as soon as possible”,
nonetheless, must await the outcome of general elections in Israel and the US . This means the Palestinian
people must wait for another two years in the vain hope of reconstructing Gaza . It is obvious the
occupation state is enjoying the luxury of time, making easy the
occupation without resistance, as well as building settlements without
deterrence.
Before handing over the reins to Mladenov,
Serry described the failure of donors to pay their dues as “scandalous”
and warned “if there is no progress in the coming months” — not two years
— towards a two-state solution, “the reality will be a one state [solution]”:
the single state of Israel .
Former UN coordinator Terry Rod Larsen said in 2002, “the Palestinian
patient is dying in the interim.”
Last December, Serry warned in his report to
the Security Council that a war in Gaza
“could re-ignite if conditions on the ground do not change” in
the besieged Gaza Strip. It is clear that what Serry described as a
“deadly diplomatic vacuum” coupled with the ongoing siege on rebuilding
Gaza, are an explosive recipe in the besieged Gaza Strip, the outcome and
ramifications of which are unpredictable.
The “scandal” of donors not paying their dues
to rebuild Gaza , as Serry described it, under
the pretext that the PLO government does not control the Gaza Strip, is a
green light given by the international community to the occupation state to
carry out another military assault on national resistance forces in Gaza .
The scandal of Arabs not paying their pledges
at Arab summits to provide the PA with a financial “safety net” amounts to
flagrant Arab pressure on the PLO to accept the Quartet’s proposal to
restart talks with the occupation state “as soon as possible”.
This is Mladenov’s dual mission as the new UN
special coordinator for the Middle East
peace process. PLO negotiators continue to wait for a breakthrough by
“peace” envoys that are imposed on them and appointed by the US and the UN,
although they represent the occupation state. Mladenov is the most recent. He
will not change anything on the ground.
* Nicola Nasser is a veteran Arab journalist based in Birzeit,
West Bank of the Israeli-occupied Palestinian territories (nassernicola@ymail.com). This
article was translated from Arabic and first published by Al-Ahram Weekly on 20
February 2015.
Tuesday, December 23, 2014
Fighting ‘Islamic State’ is not the Israeli priority
By Nicola Nasser*
Defying a
consensus that it is a priority by the world community comprising international
rivals like the United States, Europe, Russia and China and regional rivals
like Iran, Syria and Saudi Arabia, Israel, like Turkey, does not eye the U.S. –
led war on the IS as its regional priority. Nor fighting Israel is an IS priority.
The Israeli top
priority is to dictate its terms to Syria
to sign a peace treaty with Israel
before withdrawing its forces from the occupied Syrian Golan Heights,
Palestinian territories and Lebanese southern lands.
For this purpose,
Israel is determined to
break down the Syria – Iran alliance, which has been the main obstacle
preventing Israel
from realising its goals. Changing the ruling regime in either Damascus
or Tehran would
be a step forward. Towards this Israeli strategic goal the IS could not be but
an Israeli asset.
“To defeat ISIS (The
Islamic State in Iraq and Syria as the IS was previously known) and leave Iran
as a threshold nuclear power is to win the battle and lose the war,” Prime
Minister Benjamin Netanyahu told the UN General Assembly last September.
Therefore, “it
should not come as a surprise that the (Benjamin) Netanyahu government has not yet
taken any immediate steps against IS,” according to Amos Harel, writing in Foreign
Policy on September 15.
However,
information is already surfacing that Israel
is “taking steps” in the opposite direction, to empower the IS and other
terrorist groups fighting and infighting in Syria .
Israeli daily Haaretz
on last October 31 quoted a “senior Northern Command officer” as saying that
the U.S. – led coalition “is making a big mistake in fighting against ISIS …
the United States, Canada and France are on the same side as Hezbollah, Iran
and [Syrian President Bashar al-] Assad. That does not make sense.”
Regardless, on
September 8 Israeli daily The Jerusalem Post reported that Israel has provided
“satellite imagery and other information” to the coalition. Three days later Netanyahu
said at
a conference in Herzliya: “Israel fully supports President [Barack]
Obama’s call for united actions against ISIS …
We are playing our part in this continued effort. Some of the things are known;
some of the things are less known.”
Obama’s call was the green light for Israel to
support Syrian and non- Syrian rebels. Syrian official statements claim that Israel
has been closely coordinating with the rebels.
Israeli statements claim theirs is confined to
“humanitarian” support to “moderate” Syrian opposition, which the U.S. has already pledged to train and arm in Saudi Arabia , Jordan
and Turkey .
A significant portion of the $64 billion earmarked for conflicts abroad in the
budget legislation signed by Obama on December 19 will go to these “moderates.”
Both Israel
and the U.S.
have no headaches about whether the “moderates” would remain as such after
being armed with lethal weapons or whether it remains appropriate to call them
“opposition.”
But the Israeli “humanitarian” claim is challenged by
the fact that Israel
is the only neighbouring country which still closes its doors to Syrian
civilian refugees while keeping its doors wide open to the wounded rebels who
are treated in Israeli hospitals and allowed to return to the battle front
after recovery.
IS close to Israeli borders
The Israeli
foreign ministry on last September 3 confirmed that the U.S. journalist
Steven Sotloff whom the IS had beheaded was an Israeli citizen as well. In a
speech addressed to Sotloff’s family, Netanyahu condemned the IS as a “branch”
of a “poisonous tree” and a “tentacle” of a “violent Islamist terrorism.”
On the same day
Israeli Defense Minister Moshe Ya’alon officially outlawed the IS and anyone
associating with it.
On September 10,
Netanyahu convened an urgent security meeting to prepare for the possible
danger of the IS advancing closer to the Israeli border, a prospect confirmed
by the latest battles for power between the IS and the al – Nusra Front on the
southern Syrian – Lebanese borders and in southern Syria , within the artillery range
of Israeli forces.
On November 9, Ansar
Bait al-Maqdis (ABM), which has been operating against the Egyptian army, released
an audio clip pledging allegiance to the IS to declare later the first IS
Wilayah (province) in the Egyptian Sinai Peninsula, south of Israel .
On last November
14 The Israeli Daily quoted Netanyahu as saying in a private defense
meeting that the IS is “currently operating out of Lebanon … close to Israel’s
northern border. We must take this as a serious threat.”
However, “in
truth, as most of Israel's intelligence
community has been quick to point out, there are no signs that anything of the
sort is actually happening,” according to Amos Harel, writing in Foreign
Policy five days later.
Moshe
Ya’alon told journalists in September that “the organization operates far from Israel ” and
thus presents no imminent threat. Israeli peace activist Uri Avnery, on
November 14, wrote: “The present and former generals who shape Israel 's
policy can only smile when this ‘danger’ is mentioned.”
Israel “certainly does not see the group as an external
threat” and the “Islamic State also does not yet pose an internal threat to
Israel,” according to Israeli journalist and Associate
Policy Fellow at the European Council on Foreign Relations, Dimi
Reider, writing in a Reuters blog on last October 21.
What
Netanyahu described as a “serious threat” in the north does not yet dictate any
Israeli action against it because “we must assume that Hizballah,” which is
allied to Syria and Iran ,
“does not have its house in order,” according to the Israeli premier.
The presence of
the IS Wilayah on its southern border with Egypt is preoccupying the country
with an internal bloody anti-terror conflict that would prevent any concrete
Egyptian contribution to the stabilization of the Arab Levant or support to the
Palestinians in their struggle to end the Israeli occupation of their land, let
alone the fact that this presence is already pitting Egypt against Israel’s
archenemy, Hamas, in the Palestinian Gaza Strip and creating a hostile
environment that dictates closer Egyptian – Israeli security coordination.
Therefore, Israel is not
going to “interfere” because “these are internal issues of the countries where
it is happening.” Israel is
“informally … ready to render assistance, but not in a military way and not by
joining the (U.S. - led)
coalition” against the IS, according to the deputy head of the Israeli embassy
in Moscow , Olga
Slov, as quoted by Russian media on November 14.
However, Israel ’s eastern neighbours in Jordan and Syria seem another story.
“Jordan feels
threatened by IS. We will cooperate with them one way or another,” ambassador
Slov said. Jordanian media has been reporting that more than 2000 Jordanians
had already joined al-Qaeda splinter the IS, al-Qaeda’s branch al-Nusra Front
or other rebels who are fighting for an “Islamic” state in Syria . Hundreds of them were killed
by the Syrian Arab Army.
The Daily Beast on
last June 27 quoted Thomas Sanderson, the co-director
for transnational threats at the Center for Strategic and International
Studies, as saying that Israel
considers the survival of Jordan
as “a paramount national security objective.”
If Jordan requested Israeli assistance in
protecting its borders, Israel
would have “little choice” but to help, the Beast quoted the director of
the Israeli National Security Council, Yaakov
Amidror, as saying.
As a precaution
measure, Israel is building
now a 500-kilometre “security fence” on its border with Jordan .
While Israel is willing and getting ready to
“interfere” in Jordan , it is
already deeply interfering in Syria ,
where the real battle has been raging for less than four years now against
terrorists led by the IS.
A few weeks ago The
Associated Press reported that the IS and the al-Nusra had concluded an
agreement to stop fighting each other and cooperate on destroying the U.S. –
trained and supported rebels (The Syrian Revolutionaries Front and the Hazm
movement) as well as the Syrian government forces in northern Syria.
But in southern
Syria all these and other terrorist organizations are coordinating among
themselves and have what Lt. Col.
Peter Lerner, a spokesman for the Israeli Occupation Forces (IOF) called “a
gentleman’s agreement” with Israel across the border, according to Colum Lynch
in Foreign Policy on June 11.
Last
October, Al-Qaeda branch in Syria ,
al-Nusra, was among the rebel groups which overtook the only border crossing of
Quneitra between Syria and
the Israeli – occupied Golan Heights . Israel
has yet to demonstrate its objection.
“Many
Sunnis in Iraq and the Gulf consider ISIS a bullet in their rifles aimed at
Shiite extremism, in their bid to restore their lost standing,” Raghida
Dergham, a columnist and a senior diplomatic correspondent for the London –
based Arabic Al-Hayat daily, wrote in the huffingtonpost on
September 19.
A political public agreement between Israel and the Gulf Arabs has developed on a
mutual understanding that the dismantling of the Syria
– Iran alliance as a prelude
to a “regime change” in both countries is the regional priority, without
loosing sight of the endgame, which is to dictate peace with Israel as the regional power under the U.S. hegemony.
The IS is “the bullet in their rifles.” From their perspective, the U.S. war on the
IS is irrelevant, for now at least.
* Nicola Nasser
is a veteran Arab journalist based in Birzeit, West Bank of the
Israeli-occupied Palestinian territories (nassernicola@ymail.com).