Friday, August 23, 2013
Egypt’s Foreign Relations on Tightrope
By Nicola Nasser*
The internal crisis in Egypt has indulged the country in
its most critical foreign relations test since these relations were shaped by
the U.S. sponsored Camp David accords and the peace treaty with Israel in 1979.
An indicator is the warnings against travel to Egypt from east
and west, which are exacerbating the rapidly shrinking tourism industry. Stopping
production in Egypt
by industrial giants like General Motors, Toyota Motor Corp. and
Suzuki Motor Corp. is a second indicator. Summons of foreign envoys to Egypt by their governments, which
invoked similar Egyptian reciprocal summons, is a third indicator. A fourth was cancelling the U.S.
military’s participation in next month’s Operation Bright Star in Egypt
and delaying the delivery of four fighter jets to the country. Suspension of
the sale of military equipment used for “internal repression” by the EU was a
fifth. Threats to
cut or suspend aid to Egypt
by the U.S.
and EU was another more important indicator.
In the immediate proximity, and three days after the
ouster of the elected president Mohammed Morsi on July 3, the Peace and Security Council of the fifty – four member
African Union decided “to suspend the participation of Egypt in AU activities until the
restoration of constitutional order.”
On August 20,
South Africa, a leading member of the AU as well as the BRICS five – member
association, issued a statement to remind the “interim government” in Cairo
that its “principled position is based on the Constitutive Act of the African
Union, where any unconstitutional change of government – whatever the premise –
is specifically rejected” immediately.
So far, the AU reaction is ironically the
only concrete international diplomatic measure taken in defense of the western
widely trumpeted rule of law and democracy. The African “sphere” is
traditionally only second to the Arab one as a cornerstone of Egypt ’s foreign
policy.
However, Denmark
announced the suspension of aid to Egypt . The UK Foreign Secretary
William Hague on Monday announced the suspension of all British joint programs
with the Egyptian intelligence services and the export of “some” items to Egypt . Germany’s
development minister, Dirk Niebel, said Monday that Egypt will get “no further
pledges this year” of aid from Berlin and added he has decided “that we won’t
negotiate this year” on any debt relief for the country. A day earlier, Chancellor Angela Merkel warned that her country would
halt previously approved arms shipments to Egypt , but as part of a coordinated
EU response.
Most likely the U.S. allies’ final
reaction will wait until the U.S. administration ends its open –ended stance,
but while U.S. allies follow in its footsteps, the U.S. rival world powers
grudgingly dealt with the emergence of the Muslim Brotherhood (MB) as the
leaders of the “Arab Spring” changes in Tunisia, Egypt, Yemen and Libya as a
fait accompli; the removal of the Egyptian MB from power is a welcome
development.
Ahead of their meeting in Brussels last Wednesday,
French Foreign Minister Laurent Fabius said that “no options would be off the
table” at the meeting of his counterparts of the EU 28-member countries.
Presidents of the European council and European commission, Herman Van Rompuy
and José Manuel Barroso, warned jointly on Sunday that further escalation could
have “unpredictable consequences.” The European Union threatened that it will
“urgently review” its aid to Egypt ,
but, like the U.S.
threat, it’s just a warning that has yet to materialize.
The EU and its member states last year
pledged a combined 5 billion euros ($6.7 billion) in loans and aid for Egypt .
Meanwhile, Russia
and China are waiting on the
sidelines to invest in what could evolve into a historical turning point in Egypt ’s
foreign relations.
The Kremlin maintained what a writer in
“Asia Times” described as a “stony silence,” until August 19 when the foreign
ministry in a statement urged “dialogue” among “all” political players “without
any foreign interference,” but the Egyptian embassy in Moscow
said that Cairo counts on Russia ’s assistance in “this trying
time, as it used to in the past.”
In 2010 the volume of trade and
economic cooperation between the two countries amounted to $2.1 billion. The number of Russian tourists visiting Egypt in 2010 alone was estimated to be
2,855,723, making it the number one country in providing Egypt with
tourists.
Similarly China
remained relatively quiet. On August 15, the foreign ministry in a statement
said the country was following “closely the situation in Egypt ,” urged “maximum restraint”
and “dialogue” to “restore order and social stability.”
Unofficially, Wang
Jilie, an academic with the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences, a State Council
affiliated think tank, said that the Egyptian military “had no choice” but to
“control the situation,” otherwise “the credibility of the interim government and the military
would be undermined.”
In 2011, Sino-Egyptian trade rose
to US$8.8 billion, a 30 percent increase from 2010, according to Xinhua. Last year it rose to US$9.5 billion.
Short of designating the ouster and detention of Morsi a
“coup” and short of condemning the dispersal on August 14, by what critics
described as an “excessive use of force,” of two MB – led sit – ins in Cairo’s Raba’a
al- Adawiyah and al-Nahdha squares, as an Egyptian copy of the Chinese “Tiananmen Square” in 1989, the un-decisive United
States has put itself and Egypt in their most testing foreign policy dilemma.
The United States
is finding itself swaying between “cutting” its aid to Egypt and “reprogramming” it and because it is
torn between its foreign policy rhetoric of democracy and the more realistic
benefits of stability, Washington
stands now reluctant to proclaim the involvement of the Egyptian military in
the removal of Morsi a “coup.” U.S.
allies are held hostage to this U.S.
ambivalent position.
The bipartisan Working
Group on Egypt , quoted by
the Washington Post on August 15, demanded a shift in U.S. policy towards Egypt ; the group considered President
Barak Obama’s “failure” to cut aid a “strategic error.”
However there is a strategic U.S. asset that successive
administrations have considered an incomparable “vital” interest outweighing
this “strategic error.” Egypt expert at the London School of Economics,
John Chalcraft, had this explanation: The U.S. military aid “is a strategic
rent that comes to Egypt in
return, above all, for the ongoing Camp David Peace Treaty with Israel . So the
significance of it is political and geopolitical, more than it is economic.” U.S. State Department spokeswoman Jen Psaki, on August
21, confirmed this justification for her government’s ambivalent stance, though
indirectly: "We have seen our aid to Egypt as something that is vital
for our own national security purposes, for regional stability.”
No surprise then the United National Security Council
(UNSC), in its “emergency” meeting on August 15, which was urged by Turkey and jointly requested by France , Britain
and Australia , had
nothing to say more than urging the parties in Egypt to “exercise maximum
restraint.”
Strategically, the internal crisis in Egypt has put the U.S. strategy of courting “moderate” Islamist political
movements on the brink.
In his inauguration speech in January
2009, Obama signaled his intention to seek a fresh understanding with Islam and
Muslims. Within a few months his “intention” had unfolded as a strategy that
culminated in the end in an “understanding” with the MB, the oldest, largest
and perceived as the most moderate among the Islamist movements.
On June 4, 2009 in Cairo ,
Obama declared: “I’ve come here to Cairo to seek
a new beginning between the United
States and Muslims around
the world.” A few days later in Istanbul
he confirmed: “"The United States is not and will never be at
war with Islam. In fact, our partnership with the Muslim world is critical … America 's
relationship with the Muslim community, the Muslim world, cannot be based just
on the opposition to terrorism. We seek broader engagement."
His allies in Qatar
and the Islamist leaders of the ruling Justice and Development party in Turkey joined forces and played a detrimental
role in swaying the U.S.
towards this conclusion.
The MB was born in Egypt . Eighty five years later it has
proved a survival. It developed into an international organization in more than
eighty countries in which the Egyptian Muslim Brethren are still playing the
leading role. With their assumption of power in Egypt’s 2012 elections, their
offshoot ruling now in Turkey, their Palestinian offshoot Hamas ruling in the
Gaza Strip, the leading roles their brethren are playing in the governments of
Tunisia, Yemen and Morocco, the leading roles they are playing in the
opposition in other Arab countries, and with the sponsorship of the financial magnet
of Qatar, the MB has become a power per se to be reckoned with.
Following the Qatari and Turkish
examples, the U.S.
perceived in it a potential ally and planned its regional strategy accordingly.
With the removal of Morsi and the MB from
power in Egypt , this U.S.
strategy is unraveling now.
The MB has received a very strong blow in
its Egyptian heartland together with a burgeoning MB – U.S. regional “understanding.”
A regional U.S.
sponsored Egyptian – Turkish – Qatari axis that could stand rival to the Iran – Syria alliance is at risk of
becoming a past tense plan.
The U.S.
regional allies stand now divided between the pro – MB led by Qatar and Turkey
and the anti – MB led by Saudi
Arabia and the UAE.
The regional front against Iran of the U.S.
– sponsored “moderates,” who are united in their efforts to enforce a ‘regime
change” in Syria ,
is weakened as well.
While Syria
is feeling relief, Iran joined
its regional rivals in Qatar
and Turkey as well as Cuba , Venezuela ,
the U.S.
and the EU in condemning “the massacre of the population” according to a statement
by its foreign ministry. The new Iranian Foreign Minister Mohammad Javad Zarif on Monday noted “how
people’s votes are forgotten and downtrodden.”
Rejecting foreign interference in “Egypt ’s internal affairs,” Saudi King Abdullah,
in a statement read Friday on Saudi television, declared that what was
happening in Egypt
was “an Arab affair.” His foreign minister, Prince Saud Al Faisal, during
a recent visit to Paris pledged to compensate Egypt
for any cut in western aid, saying: “We will not achieve anything through
threats.”
Obviously, Saudi Arabia , UAE and Kuwait ,
who contributed $12b to Cairo the second day
Morsi was removed, do not see eye to eye on Egypt
with their strategic allies in the U.S. and EU; their position will
for sure weigh heavily in their final stance.
Some commentators
described as “hysterical” the Turkish reaction, which led Egypt to accuse Turkey of interfering in its
internal affairs. On Tuesday Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan said Israel was
involved in the “military coup” that removed Morsi from power; the White House
denied the accusation. Earlier he accused Saudi Arabia and the UAE of being
partners to the “Egyptian coup.” He had called on the UN to condemn the
“massacres” in Egypt and
described the developments in the country as a “conspiracy against the Muslim
world targeting Turkey ”
in particular.
No
Business as Usual
The U.S. is leading the western
condemnation of the crackdown on the MB and urging an “inclusive” political
process that would make them an integral part of any future restructuring of
the ruling system.
This line of U.S.
thinking is creating an international environment that is fueling the MB
defiance, which would inevitably
perpetuate the violence and the crisis, the interim
government in Cairo
says.
This is exactly what leads the U.S. – led west
to a collision course with the incumbent interim government, who accuse Morsi
and his brethren are of leading a year – long effort of exclusion of all the
other political players. The MB exclusion policies are said to be the major
factor that led to the
demise of their rule. The new rulers insist on
inclusion of the MB on their own terms.
They accuse the world’s condemnation of
their “excessive use of force” as a contribution to what some of their
commentators say it is a “war of attrition” waged by the MB against the
Egyptian state, its interim government and defense forces.
More than 100 army and police officers
were among no less than one thousand people killed since July 3rd.
Michael W. Hanna, an expert on Egypt from the New York-based Century
Foundation, was quoted by AP on Monday as saying: “Sure civil war is a
possibility.”
Obviously, Egypt ’s
post – Morsi rulers do not share the U.S. and European view of the MB as
“moderates” who could be “included.”
* Nicola Nasser is a veteran Arab journalist based in Birzeit,
West Bank of the Israeli-occupied Palestinian territories. nassernicola@ymail.com